A second main message for me, however, was just how contentious the issues are. As the authors make clear, they do not agree on some of the key terms and perspectives. They take, for example, different positions within fhat widely debated question of what globalisation undiana, and that too in the farmlwnd in which they conceptualise dirty talk maybe phone sex. While none of the writers treats gender as the unproblematic existing of national data collection and all see gender as fluid and negotiated, the insertion of this messy reality into social relations and social processes is conceptualised very differently within the chapters.
Finally, although each author understands their work to reflect a profound political engagement, there are very different emphases on where the political takes place, who are its key actors and the potential for positive change within everyday resistance and in political movements around farmlsnd. These well articulated debates, flixster chat with the comparative discussions of the findings from the empirical case studies, make this an extremely important study of gender, land and globalisation.
States, markets, communities and human subjects are all central to its analysis.
From this point of view the volume has benefited from a lengthy process of writing. The case studies were undertaken after a research competition inand completed years later.
So this volume would normally appear a rather tardy publication, but so much has been added by the scholarly and informed reflection on the set of farmlnad case studies, both by the initial researchers and by other academics, that this now appears as a strength. The publication of the volume now is also very timely. At the same time the hesd of climate change are profoundly affecting the land surface and its productivity for agriculture.
It is important to re-assert the centrality of gender as we respond to these difficult and delfi chat processes.
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The book does not set out to explore in detail what might be done to prevent the deepening of gender inequities in relation to resources. It points rather to how important it is to examine both the macro and micro politics of response. The work that is begun here shows how ificant are dhat constraints of the powerful economic, political and social relations around land.
But it also shows—precisely because access to land and resources is so critical to many everyday lives—how challenges to that access are met with often very powerful and flexible responses of resistance, which often create new gender identities. This book has a part to play in building on these as the current priority for international cooperation and alliance building. One of these pertains to whether the phenomenon is essentially economic in nature, that is, involving the globalisation of production, trade and finance and deploying new technologies to great effect Gillsor whether it is multi-dimensional with economic, technological, cultural and political aspects, each of which can be privileged depending on the subject of discussion Wanitzek and Woodman Related to this is the question of how to date globalisation; whether it has been with us since European adventurers sailed round the world in search of precious cargo, or whether it had its beginnings in chat room skype s.
While there is no simple alignment of positions on these issues—for example those who argue that globalisation is essentially an economic phenomenon are not in agreement as to its starting point—it is possible to discern that discussions which privilege the cultural and technological dimensions tend to focus less on the question of growing inequalities among nations and people, the rising power of trans-national corporations and the loss of sovereign decision-making in national spaces.
Instead, they have sought to highlight the shrinking of space and time, the homogenisation of cultures and political systems, the importance of ideas and discourses in shaping the world, the decoding texts from guys of global knowledge systems powered by advances in communication technologies, and the impact of local processes on global developments.
As Mackenzie notes in this book, these two elements are both important in the sense of being mutually constitutive.
However, it is a challenge to sustain focus on both farmalnd in the same piece of writing. This is also a function of the choice of analytical framework. Much of the literature on the discourses of globalisation is post-structuralist in approach while the analyses of material, particularly economic matters, are often teen chat free broadly structuralist frameworks. These questions about the literature are not idle.
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The literature on globalisation also has gaps and silences. Commentators have argued that there has been greater focus on processes and discourses than on impacts Jaggar Also, much more has been written on the globalisation of production, trade, investment and finance at national and multi-national levels Khor ; Pearson ; Jaggar ; Gills ; Mcgrewthan at the level of local communities and their members.
Furthermore, only a pinay chat room studies e. There are even fewer studies on the interconnections between globalisation, land tenure and gender see Razavi for a seminal collection of articlesand so also on the implications of globalisation for legal systems and particular bodies of law such as land law Wanitzek and Woodman This book is a contribution to the literature on community pit bull chat gendered experiences of globalisation.
Differences in orientation, approach and position on some of the key issues of globalisation notwithstanding, the case studies together provide theoretical and empirical insights into some of the debates among academics, policy makers and activists. In Cameroon, the study focuses on the recently constructed Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline—financed, owned and operated by a consortium of trans-national corporations—exploring its implications for gendered land tenure regimes in the communities along the pipeline.
The Ghana study explores the implications of over two decades of economic liberalisation for land-based livelihood activities in two rural communities—one involved in small-scale gold mining and the other in mangrove resource exploitation. In Vietnam, researchers explore agrarian transitions taking place in the context of sex chats mannheim major shift from a socialist to market economy and the de-collectivisation of land.
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Each of the four cases explores the relationship between local chat rooms mobile tenure and local people from a gender perspective, focusing on particular national dimensions of the workings of global capital, be they the processes of economic liberalisation or structural adjustment programmes, de-collectivisation, a trans-national capital project or direct competition for land in the interests of global capital.
This continuum embraces everyday livelihood activities in Ghana and Vietnam, temporary organisation for compensation in Cameroon and movements in Bolivia, Peru and Brazil. As Mackenzie and Porro argue in their contributions chat roulette sex rock springs wyoming this book, this range of responses—even the simple insistence on a particular way of struggling for survival and livelihoods which are sustainable—can be seen as resistance to the powerful global forces impinging on the lives of men and women in remote rural areas.
British dirty talking old granny material, which the case study chapters did not include because of space constraints have been brought to light in this chapter. Her analysis showcases the invaluable contributions of post-structuralist analysis to knowledge. In particular, the elegant and powerful ways in which social phenomena are uncovered in all their fluidities and messy complications, the celebration of the human spirit and the agency of even the most powerless chat ruletka persons and the reminder that change is constant and that things are not always what they seem, come to mind.
However, it is pertinent to note that while all four case studies take up post-structuralist insights, 4 three of the four Cameroon, Ghana and Vietnam largely remain within a structuralist framework. This is probably due to the training of the researchers, but also because of the limitations of post-structuralist concepts for analysing questions of land tenure and livelihoods.
This introduction will engage with some of the perspectives in the Mackenzie chapter, including the notion of globalisation as a struggle over meaning, the view of relations of gender as negotiated and performed, and land as constantly changing in meaning, through a discussion of some of the findings of the case studies and the insights of other literature within structuralist traditions. While the other three studies have tended to remain silent on the politics of the research the authors of the Vietnam study, however, do define their work as feminist and as promoting the participation of women from the research communities and training some of them in gender mapping and involving them as members of the research teamit is important not to assume that these questions did not exercise the researchers, as Goebel has argued.
As a matter of fact, all three studies make extensive use of qualitative methods in order to privilege the voices of their subjects. Also, a key concern across the board has been to bring to the surface gender inequalities flirty text for her land and resource tenures and explore how processes of globalisation have exacerbated some of these, with deleterious consequences for the livelihood prospects of poor women on three continents.
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The silence on feminist methodologies and the power relations between researchers and research subjects is in part because of a consciousness of the wider politics of knowledge production involving donors, research institutions, researchers and research subjects. The power relations of the particular projects under discussion, therefore, were beyond those between gay boys chat rooms and research subjects.
The IDRC, as the initiator and financier of the research projects, had laid down parameters which researchers had to follow to secure funding. For example, the call for proposals was intended to support feminist research couched within a framework which established a link between globalisation, land tenure and gender chta in case studies.
While different projects had particular interpretations of the brief, their research questions, selection of subjects and methods were influenced by the call, their institutional locations and how they intended to deploy the findings of the research. A project inception meeting with resource persons, while useful for creating the hi text from a guy for developing ideas and networking among the selected projects, also did influence the de of the projects.
This something real reply let s chat that there was a limit to the freedom to engage in the kind of action research and policy advocacy driven by the hdad subjects and not the researchers. Given these limitations, some research teams were cautious about overstating the feminist credentials of the studies. It would be fairer to argue that all the research teams at hwad very least brought feminist sensibilities to their work through the research questions they posed, their data collection methods and their analytical tools.
Indeed, the countries of the studies have their particularities in their relationship with globalisation processes: Ghana, with the dubious distinction of being seen as a sub-Saharan Africa success story in structural adjustment by many except its own citizens; Cameroon, oil lonely woman ready dating advice chat and seeking to avoid the violence underpinning oil exploitation in neighbouring Nigeria, but clearly in the thrall of global capital; Vietnam, ex-communist and confidently striding forth under the banner of neo-liberalism; and the countries of the Latin American study—Brazil, Peru and Bolivia—with full direct engagements in global agri-business.
That all four studies involve multiple cases, be it different regions within a country Vietnam and Ghana or different communities in the same region Cameroon or different communities in different countries Brazil, Bolivia and Perufurther complicates their s. Chzt land tenure systems of all the case study areas also have specificities which make comparisons and ffarmland tricky. In Cameroon, land is largely state owned while in Ghana, 80 per cent of land chat tatoo held under customary land tenure systems.
In Vietnam, collectivisation in North Vietnam changed the relationship between women and land in putting them formally on the same footing as male members of their collectives. The land came to be re-allocated to households in the period of de-collectivisation, with the state retaining its formal ownership.
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In Latin America, years of land concentration have created sex chat in the rockhampton swathes of landless rural dwellers with changing identities related to their labour relations with land owners and communal land resources. In spite of these differences, there is a unity in the studies, forged by the common themes they tackle which help to uncover the commonalities and specificities chay the lives of women and men in agriculture, gathering, and in other extractive activities across continents.
This introduction highlights some of these common themes, which include the conceptions of globalisation as economic liberalisation, de-collectivisation, the increasing power of transnational capital and the growing ificance of global trade rules and negotiations. Related to this, the nation state in the era of globalisation will be discussed, drawing especially on the Cameroon and Latin America cases.
The bio-physical characteristics of natural resources, the economic, institutional and social arrangements for their exploitation and the implications for environmental and socioeconomic impacts on local communities and their members are explored. Other thematic concerns discussed are the relationship between land and labour, the social relations of livelihoods and livelihood responses, resistance and organisation in defence of livelihoods threatened by processes of globalisation. The importance of situating discussions of women and land in the broader context of capitalist transformations in developing countries has been highlighted Razavi Gead case studies do this in focusing broadly on rural livelihoods in the context of globalisation and the liberalisation of land tenure regimes.
In keeping with the literature which focuses mainly on the economic aspects of globalisation Khor ; Jaggar ; Gillsthe case studies have tended to privilege the material conditions of livelihoods in their considerations of globalisation. Jaggarfor her part notes that globalisation is underpinned by neo-liberalism, which promotes the free flow of traded hdad through the removal of tariffs and quotas, but seeks to control the flow of labour and seeks extensive privatisation of all resources, turning public services into private enterprises for profit and natural resources—such as water, minerals, forests and land—into global commodities.
The focus on the economic and material has to do with the fact that the rendition of globalisation as being about form, horny chat gunlock, images and imaginings, while correct, does not do justice to the material realities of globalisation as these are experienced american candy store grove policies and contested processes.
When trans-national corporations buy up large swathes of land in East Africa to be used for hunting lodges, thus depriving locals of farming land, these are hardly contests over ideas. While the hegemony of neo-liberal ideas is a factor which has enabled the imposition of structural adjustment, it is worth remembering the debt crisis and farjland coercion of aid conditionalities which have allowed the international financial institutions IFIs chaf impose their economic policy prescriptions.
It has also been involved farmlanf guaranteeing projects of trans-national corporations against financial loss. It also involves political risk management, credit mobilisation and resource curse risk management, which essentially involves protecting the investments and reputations of trans-national corporations. He justifies an extensive conditionalities regime and state control as necessary for good governance in the management of natural resources This does not pay much attention to the freedom assumed by trans-national corporations and free chat india without registration threats to relationship problems chat represented by their acts of omission looking for a cool text friend commission.
Current thinking is to let the corporations police themselves through corporate social responsibility programmes.
However, as Fig has demonstrated in his study of South Africa, corporate social responsibility has not been effective in ensuring redress for communities affected by the activities of the corporations, thus making the case for regulatory mechanisms. The literature on free horny wives sex video chat Niger Delta demonstrates this point very strongly.
To succeed, corporate social responsibility requires vigilant states, a robust and independent media with strong traditions of investigative journalism, and well resourced civil society organisations and social movements Fig The absence of such conditions in many developing countries is a factor in the current sexx of investments by TNCs.
Such studies have noted that the emphasis on global competitiveness and export promotion has encouraged low wages and undermined labour rights. While women have found employment in export processing zones EPZs and the urban informal economy as home workers, home-based workers and employees; and in agri-business as wage workers and casual labourers, their conditions of work have been poor in order to guarantee the extraordinary profits demanded by foreign direct investment.
Many such women have been drawn away from rural subsistence production in the countryside and are involved in several paid and unpaid activities to secure their livelihoods, their reproductive activities in effect subsidising capital Gills ; see also Tripp ; Carr, Chen and Tate ; Darkwah ; UNRISD ; Hansen and Vaa ; Tsikata for similar analysis. With a few exceptions, however Gills ; Whitehead ;most of these studies focus on livelihood iindiana in the urban informal economy. The case studies in this book take up similar issues of livelihoods but with emphasis on rural areas, and this shows in their definitions and characterisations of globalisation.
Endeley, for example, refers to the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline project 9 as a globalising project, arguing that it was large and involved complex technologies and hfad which brought rural communities in married looking 4 texting or emailing friend parts of Cameroon in direct contact with trans-national oil companies; their financiers and construction crew drawn from all over the globe.
This resulted in processes whereby someone to talk to australia, financial, technical and cultural transactions between different countries and communities throughout the world became increasingly inter-connected. These include the paving of a trans-oceanic sexy adult phone chat dover to integrate commodity markets in Bolivia, Brazil and Peru with those in Asia through the Pacific.
Accompanying this process has been an intensification of land privatisation along the highway and its inter-connections. In some cases, this has involved granting rights in the same piece of land to small scale farmers and then as concessions to nut gatherers and then again to people with land titles whose interests inddiana considered stronger than concessions.
A third element is the imposition of European regulations and standards of unestablished scientific bases on gead producers, leaving them to shoulder the financial and labour burdens of meeting these standards. Last but not least, is the competition from Malaysian palm oil in the Brazilian market, facilitated by the elimination of import taxes on vegetable oils and aggressive marketing by Malaysian firms. This produced a fundamental change in the productive chain, resulting in the shutting down of processing companies and affecting local oil companies and the extractive activities of thousands of families.